I spent several days in the Lille area in early March. I had been in the city numerous times over the years but had never previously spent a night there.
Lille occupies a peculiar place in the French urban hierarchy. The city itself, with a population in 2020 of 236,234, is not particularly big. It ranked eleventh in France in 2020. But Lille is the largest municipality in a “functional urban area” (aire d’attraction d’une ville) of more than two million if its Belgian catchment area is included; only Paris and (just barely) Lyon are larger. Even if its Belgian part is omitted, the Lille functional urban area had a population of 1,515,061 in 2020, making it the fourth largest in France; it ranked behind not only Paris and Lyon but also Marseille. However one defines it, the Lille urban area is definitely one of France’s largest.1
It’s probably fair to say, however, that Lille’s, well, visibility does not quite match its size. Lyon, Bordeaux, Strasbourg, and Marseille—and even many smaller cities like Grenoble, Nice, Cannes, and Montpellier—are surely all better known. Among the French themselves, the Nord region—and its major city—are often thought of as poverty-stricken and backward, in part because they are still associated with declining industries like coal mining and textile manufacture—and perhaps in part too because they get colder in winter than most of the rest of France. An exceptionally amusing 2008 movie, Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis, satirized this feeling but certainly didn’t end it. The Lille area has suffered from its region’s reputation in a way that’s roughly comparable to the way that Midwestern cities in the United States have been branded with the problems of the Rust Belt.
In many ways, Lille’s response to its declining industrial base has resembled the response of certain American Midwestern cities, notably Chicago. Its powers-that-be decided in roughly the 1980s that its future lay in office work, convention-hosting, and tourism.
One of the results was Euralille, Lille’s singular attempt to get beyond its industrial past.2 Euralille was created in part because SNCF, the French national railroad, (reluctantly) agreed to build a new TGV station in central Lille for Eurostar trains to London. It would have preferred to put a station in the suburbs but was dissuaded by the city’s strong lobbying. There was a problem, however. Fast trains couldn’t be routed through the old Gare de Flandres, a stub-end station with no easy way to provide speedy through service. The need for a new station and Lille’s interest in creating modern office buildings and a new convention center worked together to support the building of Euralille, a completely new district constructed on available land that lay near the border of the old city, not far from Lille’s central Grand’Place. Paris at this point was building La Défense, a major new office center on its western edge, and Lyon, at the southern end of the original TGV line, had created Part Dieu for comparable reasons. All these new districts were just what you’d expect of office complexes conceived between the 1960s and 1980s and built (mostly) between the 1970s and 1990s. They consisted in large part of tall buildings that lacked any kind of ornamentation. They were accessible by freeway. They came with plenty of parking. Areas for pedestrians consisted of empty concrete spaces. None of these districts as they were originally built inspired much love.
But Euralille did bring offices and conventions to Lille, and, these days, thirty years later, with its concrete spaces modified to some extent and with the addition of new housing, Euralille seems to be functioning pretty well, even for pedestrians.3 A huge Westfield shopping center between the two stations was so jammed this month that, still nervous about Covid, I wondered if it was safe to go inside (hardly anyone in Lille was using a mask when I was there).
During roughly the years that Euralille was being created, Lille, just like other cities in France (as well as numerous cities elsewhere in the Western world), was changing its planning strategy from an emphasis on catering to the automobile to a focus on supporting alternatives to the automobile. Modernity in effect was taking on a new set of meanings.
The most expensive and original manifestation of this change in emphasis in Lille was Line 1 of its Métro system, which opened in 1983. This line used locally developed “VAL” technology.4 It was the world’s second driverless metro line, and trains are exceptionally narrow and short. Two-car trains are standard (Line 1 used one-car “trains” until recently).5
Also in 1983, Lille’s surviving tram line, the Mongy, was extended underground to the Gare de Flandres, and, in 1989, a second metro line was added. Lille’s rail transit system now covers a substantial part of the region (and is supplemented by French and Belgian suburban trains and buses). Here are maps.
Like many other places, Lille also began to encourage “active transportation” in the 21st century.
For example, it instituted a bike-share system, in Lille’s case run by its transit agency, Ilévia. V’Lille (as it’s now known) opened in 2011. It’s probably fair to say, however, that Lille has done less than, say, Paris or Bordeaux to make the city bikeable. Still, there are a few protected bicycle lanes, and bicycle riders in the old city of Lille are common.6
Lille has also done a great deal to help pedestrians, though, again, probably less, in proportion to its size, than Paris, Bordeaux, or Lyon.
It pedestrianized several streets in the central city, or at least semi-pedestrianized them, beginning in the 1990s. Its major central square, the Grand’Place, now allows one-way car traffic on a single lane, where pedestrians have priority.
Several completely pedestrianized streets were established in more or less the same years.
In the central city, even streets that allow car traffic now typically have wide sidewalks that are jammed with people for much of the day. Central Lille these days seems like an extraordinarily healthy place. It’s hard to imagine the run-down industrial city of forty and fifty years ago.
There has also been a considerable amount of pedestrianization in the Citadelle, a major city park created from Sébastien Le Prestre de Vauban’s 17th-century fortifications at the northern edge of the city. There are a couple of huge parking lots in the Citadelle, but, other than these, the place is now set up exclusively for walking, running, and bicycling.
Lille’s major long-distance pedestrian (and bicycling) paths run along the Deûle, a canal that was long ago carved out of small streams. The Deûle now runs along Lille’s northern edge and connects with waterways throughout northern France and the Low Countries. There’s also a branch enclosing most of the Citadelle. It’s possible, at least in theory, to walk, run, or bicycle for hundreds of kilometers along the Deûle and connecting waterways.
There are also plans to create what’s being called “Grand Euralille”: a corridor connecting the Deûle with Euralille. This corridor is now blighted by Lille’s Périphérique highway, but there are a series of parks along the corridor that could, with a great deal of work, be connected in a useful and attractive way. Grand Euralille is being touted as a 21st-century project comparable in scale to the original Euralille of thirty and more years ago.
There are also pedestrian facilities in Villeneuve-d’Ascq, a community dating from the 1960s and 1970s that’s said to be France’s first “new town.” Villeneuve-d’Ascq is located at the eastern end of Line 1 of the Métro. As in many of the “new towns” of the English-speaking world, pedestrians are to some extent separated from motor-vehicle traffic in Villeneuve-d’Ascq. The catch is that pedestrians have to cross roads on bridges that require climbing stairs or moving up and down steep slopes. I regret that a cold drizzle—and the absence of any sign of actual pedestrians—discouraged me from exploring Villeneuve-d’Ascq very deeply when I was there.
The old city of Lille—the triangular (or maybe pear-shaped) ten or so square kilometers that once lay inside the city’s walls—is, like many older European cities, an excellent place for walking, running, and bicycling, even where there has been only modest recent government intervention. Most blocks in this area are quite fully built up with 19th- (or very early 20th-)century housing, which consists to a large extent of row houses of one sort or another, often containing ground-floor commerce. (There are a modest number of government buildings—and older and newer structures—mixed in.)
Because Lille’s older quarters constitute an unusually substantial area of architecturally consistent traditional urban structures, walking around many parts of Lille is an extraordinarily pleasurable activity for someone who loves cities. It’s worth remembering that we probably owe the preservation of these quarters in part to the fact that, as late as the 1980s, few people thought it was worth replacing dilapidated older buildings in a declining industrial city—and that the building of Euralille probably reduced the pressure to redevelop central Lille until the modern era when the area came to be appreciated more or less as it was as an appropriate place for middle-class resettlement.7
Even if Lille hasn’t done quite as much to create alternatives to the automobile as, say, Bordeaux or Paris, it has definitely become a modern European city in the 21st-century sense of the phrase, with thriving pedestrian life, good public transit, and a healthy inner city, whose older buildings have mostly been preserved.
- Scholars in the 1990s were fascinated by Lille’s urban area, partly because it clearly had three central cities (the others are Roubaix and Tourcoing) and partly because it crossed an international boundary. See, for example: Didier Paris and Jean-François Stevens, Lille et sa région urbaine : la bifurcation métropolitaine (Paris : L’Harmattan, 2000) and: Lille métropole : un siècle d’architecture et d’urbanisme, 1890-1993 /préface de Frédéric Edelmann (Paris : Le Moniteur, 1993). The Lille area is, of course, not the only multi-centered or multinational urban region in Europe or even in France. The multi-centered Ruhrgebiet in Germany has a much larger population, and the Strasbourg, Valenciennes, and Geneva urban regions all have both French and non-French zones. But it’s the Lille area that (apparently) attracted the largest amount of scholarly attention in the 1990s. ↩
- Euralille has also attracted an enormous amount of scholarly attention, See, among other books: Euralille : the making of a new city : Koolhaas, Nouvel, Portzamparc, Vasconti, Duthilleul : architects / edited by Espace croisé ; translated from the French by Sarah Parsons (Basel : Birkhäuser, 1996). ↩
- La Défense and Part Dieu have been made more pedestrian-friendly too. ↩
- “VAL” was originally short for “Villeneuve-d’Ascq à Lille,” but, as VAL systems were built elsewhere, the three letters were declared to be an acronym for “Véhicule automatique léger” (i.e., “light driverless vehicle”). ↩
- This kind of system is, of course, much cheaper to build than a conventionally sized metro, because the tunnels are narrow and the stations are short. Driverless systems have the additional advantage of being able to provide frequent service without incurring additional labor costs. Lille’s Métro has always had short headways, at least during busy times. The trains can still be extremely crowded. Rennes and Toulouse—and several airports including O’Hare in Chicago—eventually built VAL systems. Such systems may fit medium-sized French cities particularly well, since, away from their dense 19th-century (or older) centers, these cities can be surprisingly diffuse. Other cities that have built new metros that were driverless from the start—Vancouver, Dubai, and Doha, for example—have typically opted for longer trains and wider rolling stock. ↩
- The Lille area’s most substantial urban protected bicycle path runs along the corridor to Roubaix and Tourcoing that’s also followed by the Mongy. This corridor dates back to the early 20th century when it was called the “Grand Boulevard” and included paths for pedestrians, bicycles, and horse-drawn transport as well as the Mongy. But roads for motor vehicles gradually subsumed more and more space on the Boulevard. The sidewalks on the Boulevard are now uncomfortably narrow. ↩
- A point made by Rem Koolhas on page 189 in Euralille : the making of a new city (see footnote 2 above). ↩